What the U.S. and the Free World Could Learn from Ukraine on Drone Warfare

This learning and cooperation should have started years ago, but it's better late than never.

Credit: president.gov.ua

As a result of President Trump’s war against Iran, American leaders, soldiers, and observing citizens are learning the hard way the effectiveness of drones in modern warfare. Iran’s Shahed drones cost a fraction of the price of a US battleship, and yet these drones, combined with Iranian missiles, have kept the Strait of Hormuz closed. Their effectiveness seems to have taken many in the US by surprise.

And yet, it shouldn’t have. Russia’s war against Ukraine has given us four years of data on the utility of unmanned vehicles. Nothing can move on the battlefield in Ukraine—­ not ships, tanks, artillery, or even soldiers on motorcycles—­ without being attacked by drones.

Ukrainian companies have emerged as world leaders in drone production and innovation. One Ukrainian company, Swarmer, just launched its initial public offering (IPO) on Nasdaq a few weeks ago. U-Force, another major Ukrainian drone company, just raised new resources through venture capital firms that produced a valuation for the company at over a billion dollars—Ukraine’s first “unicorn.” SkyFall, General Cherry, Quantum Systems, and The Fourth Law are just a few of several dozen other Ukrainian drone companies that, through tragic daily testing of their products, have much to offer the United States and our Middle East partners about fighting drone warfare. To track the development of this industry, sign up for the newsletter by Snake Island Institute. It’s really first-rate.

While Russia has taken and upgraded Iran’s Shahed drones (and is now sharing these modifications with Iran for use against US forces), Ukraine has successfully developed interceptor drones— “drone-killers” —to take them out, as well as developing its own unmanned attack vehicles for use in the air and at sea. Officials in the Department of Defense (I still prefer to call it that) should be learning more quickly from their Ukrainian counterparts about how to use drones most effectively. And American companies and investors should be partnering more aggressively with Ukrainian drones and AI companies to produce weapons that can enhance the security of both our countries and our allies and partners around the world, including in the Middle East, but also Asia and Europe.

As I wrote in Autocrats vs. Democrats, published last year:

“The Pentagon must spend more on small, cheap, maneuverable weapons platforms, most of which should eventually be unmanned aircraft, sea vessels, and land vehicles. The development of mixed systems—­ partly operated by humans, partly unmanned—­ should be an interim step, as the air force is doing with its Collaborative Combat Aircraft program. In the air, on the land, and at sea, we have witnessed the advantages of small, inexpensive swarms of precision weapons in the war between Russia and Ukraine. Nothing can move on the battlefield in Ukraine—­ not ships, tanks, artillery, or even soldiers on motorcycles—­ without being attacked by drones. Today, the United States relies on large, expensive unmanned vehicles when we should be focused on acquiring low-­cost, first-­person-­view drones. In the not-­so-­ distant future, we should even buy from or form joint ventures with Ukrainian drone companies. In Asia, the more fast, small, swarming unmanned vehicles we have to use, the better.”

And yet, when Zelenskyy offered to share Ukraine’s anti-drone expertise with the US recently, Trump said that the Ukrainian president was “the last person we need help from”. The United States, Trump said, knows “more about drones than anybody“ and has “the best drones in the world”. Trumps assessment was arrogant and naïve.

There were, however, others who were interested in what Ukraine had to say—not least the Gulf States, who have come under attack from Iran’s Shahed drones as the regime targets regional allies of the United States. “Countries in the Middle East have reached out to us, asking to share our expertise in intercepting Iranian ‘shahed’ drones during massive strikes. That is why we have already sent expert teams to three countries. We are ready to help,” Zelenskyy said on X on 13 March. Less than two weeks later, Zelenskyy landed in Saudi Arabia to hold what he described as “important meetings”. “We appreciate the support and support those who are ready to work with us to ensure security,” he said on X. The Pentagon should be arranging similar meetings to exploit Ukrainian drone expertise as soon as possible.

As I also noted in Autocrats vs Democrats, “I am scared to death of wars fought with unmanned, AI-­powered autonomous drones. A better strategy would be for great power leaders to sign treaties limiting the use cases of these weapons. However, those diplomatic opportunities are not available at this moment, so the United States must keep investing in its deterrent in every dimension of warfare. During the Cold War, we avoided World War III by maintaining the best military in the world. We must do so again.”

Tragically but necessarily, that assessment I wrote a year ago is still true today. To help us maintain the best military in the world, enhance deterrence, and avoid World War III with China and Russia, American national security leaders should recognize the value of partnering with Ukraine to develop and build effective drones. It’s a win-win for America and Ukraine, as well as a benefit for our allies and partners around the world.

To read more about how to modernize our military, as well as the militaries of NATO and Taiwan, as a strategy for enhancing deterrence and thereby keeping the peace between great powers, read chapter 13 of Autocrats vs Democrats: China, Russia, America and the New Global Disorder available here.