It’s Time for an Up or Down Vote on New Aid to Ukraine

Americans have the right to know where our elected officials stand on this crucial issue before the November 2024 elections.

I admit it. I was wrong. I supported President Biden’s decision to link aid to Ukraine with assistance for Taiwan, Israel, and border security into one bill. I even wrote about the wisdom of a comprehensive supplemental bill here, in part because I saw the connections between the de-facto alliance of Russia, Iran, Hamas, Hezbollah, and China, and thought that we too should frame our security interests using the same global strategy.

But this linking of separate issues has not worked, largely because Republican lawmakers, feeling pressure from their likely presidential nominee Donald Trump, keep changing their minds on border security. Earlier, many of them argued that the U.S. was being invaded on our southern border and, therefore, we needed immediate action to defend ourselves. This “war” was of more urgent concern than the war in Ukraine, so they implored. Now, however, many of them have changed their positions to reject a border deal as it would allegedly prevent them from securing a better deal after Mr. Trump is reelected. I am not an expert on the U.S. Congress or immigration, but that line of argument sounds illogical to me. Why can’t they get an initial deal now and do another “better” deal later? If the situation on the southern border is indeed so dire, how can they wait a year to act? These irrational, unconvincing arguments led many to believe that the GOP’s position is driven entirely by electoral politics and not the security interests of the American people. It seems that Donald Trump simply does not want to give Biden a win on the border. (Read about this internal Republican debate here.)

We should let the GOP figure out their convoluted messaging and policy positions on border security on their own. But why should that intramural struggle within the Republican Party continue to block new aid to Ukraine? After all, most Republican lawmakers in both the House and the Senate understand the importance of new aid to Ukraine for American national security interests. I have written about these interests many times and won’t repeat them here, but you find my earlier articles on the subject here and here and here. And if you don’t believe me, read what CIA Director William Burns just argued yesterday in Foreign Affairs, including this dire warning:

“For the United States to walk away from the conflict at this crucial moment and cut off support to Ukraine would be an own goal of historic proportions.”

Moreover, there is actually no big debate about aid to Ukraine in the Senate or House right now. Last September, when a related piece of legislation was on the floor, the House voted 311 to 117 in favor of continuing to provide security assistance to Ukraine.

So, if Biden, the Senate, the House, and the majority of Americans, as polls show, support new aid to Ukraine, let’s get it done. The way forward is simple – put a standalone bill on aid to Ukraine on the floor of both the House and Senate. Then have up or down votes. Doing so would also let the American people who are for and against aid to Ukraine before the vote in November.  That’s good for American democracy as well.

January 31, 2024: Liberation of 207 Ukrainians from Russian captivity. Source: Office of the President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy

Let me add a sweetener. By large majorities, the House and Senate committees recently voted in favor of the REPO Act – Rebuilding Economic Prosperity and Opportunity for Ukrainians Act – that would transfer frozen Russian assets held at American banks to Ukraine for reconstruction. European countries hold a much greater share of the Russian assets than we do, around $360 billion. But if we take the lead in appropriating these frozen Russian funds, other countries will follow. That’s real money to help fund Ukraine’s reconstruction. (Before it goes to President Biden’s desk, I would amend the REPO Act slightly to allow these funds to be used for weapons as well, but that is not a make-or-break issue.) We cannot ask American taxpayers for more billions for Ukraine until we have transferred these Russian billions first.

In one bill, Congress could approve both the REPO Act and the new desperately needed military aid to Ukraine. Putting these two issues into one bill would make it very hard for Members of Congress to vote against the legislation. What lawmaker wants to explain to American voters in November why they voted against transferring Russian money to Ukraine?

Such a vote would also demonstrate much-needed bipartisan cooperation. (Republican Congressman Michael McCaul in the House and Republican Senator James Risch were the lead sponsors of the REPO Act.) As I have said many times before, there are no Republican security interests or Democratic security interests. There are only national security interests – American security interests. And helping Ukraine stop Russia’s invasion is an American national security interest. Most agree on this. So, let’s do it now and show the rest of the world – prove to leaders in Moscow, Tehran, and Beijing – that we are still capable of acting together to defend our interests.